David or Goliath? China's battle to win the war of perceptionTo the outside world China is a rich, monolithic superpower
Xu Shunjian is a diplomat. Not the official, suave and suited, our-man-in-Kampala kind. But for three years he has been doing his bit to change perceptions of China.
He had never left Fujian province before he flew 6,000 miles to Uganda, where his team is turning a remote, dusty, rutted track into a smooth road winding 76 miles (122km) across the country.
"Before we came here, the locals had only seen Chinese people in movies. So they believed every Chinese man could do kung fu and was tough," the slim, bespectacled graduate said with a chuckle.
"I thought African people were wild. Now that I've come here, I see they are much more friendly."
Three decades ago, Xu and his compatriots had little opportunity to leave their country nor meet the few foreigners who visited. Now China is wide open to the world. But while its growing reach has forged new alliances and better understanding, it is also creating new tensions.
From its recent naval confrontation with the US in the South China Sea, to its anger at western pressure over Tibet, Beijing appears ever more confident as its reach extends around the globe – and its rivals appear more watchful.
For years, foreign policy was guided by Deng Xiaoping's cautious injunction, Tao guang yang hui ("hide brightness, cherish obscurity") – or, in the official translation, "nourish capabilities and bide our time".
But there is nothing obscure about China these days; it seems that its time has arrived. Just scan the recent headlines: Chinese workers strike in Romania; Chinese property hunters seek bargains in New York; Chinese peacekeepers patrol Darfur and Kosovo; the Chinese navy battle Somalian pirates. The premier, Wen Jiabao, publicly frets about the safety of its vast US treasury holdings, and President Hu Jintao took centre stage at the G20 meeting in London. Analysts begin to talk of the "G2"; Americans of "our most important bilateral relationship".
Vice-president and heir apparent, Xi Jinping, struck a very different note to Deng on an overseas trip this spring.
"There are some well-fed foreigners who have nothing better to do than point fingers at our affairs," he complained, in brusque remarks unreported by the state media but quickly noted on Chinese blogs and by foreign diplomats.
"China does not, first, export revolution; second, export poverty and hunger; third, cause troubles for you. What else is there to say?"
Western media biasXi's aggrieved tone might confuse the west, but it resonates with his public. This year's publishing sensation is China is Unhappy, a collection of angry essays railing at foreign bullies and domestic fascination with western ways. Grievances range from protests during the Olympic torch relay to high-consuming nations' calls for China to cut pollution; one author suggests China might have to break with the west one day.
Despite sniffy, sometimes despairing reviews from liberals, it topped the bestseller lists. Its lengthy list of gripes includes western media bias, but its publicity-savvy authors are happy to take their chances; they chose to meet the Guardian in a Starbucks in central Beijing.
Between sips of his cappuccino, co-author Wang Xiaodong explained why China should engage in the arms race; he deems this year's 14.9% rise in military spending insufficient. A slight man in his fifties, he has the air of a schoolmaster but a shock-jock's sense of mischief and flair for incendiary statements.
"China must have the power to wipe America from the earth. It's the only way to deter them," he said cheerfully.
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中国和其他国家仍将在不同层面继续碰撞--从人权到资源。但中国公民期待的是一个多极的世界,而不是成为全球霸权。
徐顺健(音)是中国的一位“民间”外交家。只不过他不穿西装,也谈不上风度翩翩。但三年间他所做的点点滴滴,都在改变世界对中国的看法。
在飞往远在6000英里之外的乌干达之前,他从未离开过福建老家。他和队友们在乌干达的工作是把一条横贯该国76英里长、荒凉、崎岖的土路变成平整的大道。
“我们来之前,当地人只在电影里见过中国人。所以他们以为中国人都会功夫,都特厉害。”这位单薄、戴着眼镜的大学毕业生笑着说道。
“我呢,以为非洲人都很野蛮。现在我到这里了,才了解到他们很友好。”
三十多年前,徐顺健和他的同胞们很少有机会出国,也很难碰到当时屈指可数的外国游客。今天的中国则完全向世界敞开。然而这种前所未有的接触,既带来了新朋友和相互理解,也产生了新的矛盾。
从最近中美海军在南中国海的对峙,到中国对西方就西藏问题施压所表现出的愤怒,都让人们看到,随着中国的影响力在全球范围扩展,北京展现出越来越强的信心。而它的对手,则显得更加警惕。
多年以来,中国的对外政策一直以邓小平的韬光养晦为指导。“韬光养晦”的官方译本是“积蓄力量,静候良机(nourish capabilities and bide our time)”。
可是近来的中国却一点也不“养晦”--时机似乎已经到来。不妨看看最近的新闻头条:中国工人在罗马尼亚罢工,中国买房团到纽约抄底,中国维和部队在达尔富尔和科索沃巡逻,中国海军参与抗击索马里海盗。中国总理温家宝公开对其所持有的巨额美国国债的安全表示担忧。胡锦涛主席则在伦敦的G20峰会上成为瞩目的焦点。分析家们开始使用“G2”这个字眼--中美关系“是世界上最重要的双边关系”。
中国副主席,也是目前看来最高领导人的后续人选--习近平在今年春天的一次出访中发出了与邓小平截然不同的声音。
“有些吃饱了没事干的外国人,对我们的事情指手画脚,”习近平这样指责道。这一说法在官方媒体未见报道,但很快受到中国博客和国外外交官的关注。
“中国一不输出革命;二不输出饥饿和贫困;三不去折腾你们;还有什么好说的?”
西方媒体偏见
习近平这种不满的口吻可能令西方人士感到困惑,但却与中国民众产生共鸣。今年的一本畅销书《中国不高兴》,汇集了一系列文章,对西方的以强凌弱和国内的崇洋媚外进行了愤怒声讨。矛头指向奥运火炬传递面临的抗议,以及高消费国家对中国降低污染的要求。其中一名作者认为,中国迟早要与西方决裂。
尽管自由主义者对这本书嗤之以鼻,给予的评论糟糕到令人绝望,但该书仍旧雄踞畅销书榜首。在长长的声讨清单中,赫然在列的便是西方媒体的偏见。但本书的作者们谙熟公关策略,乐于借用西方媒体的曝光机会。他们选择了北京市中心的一家星巴克咖啡店与卫报记者见面。
作者之一王小东,一边品着卡布其诺咖啡,一边向我们解释中国为什么必须参与军备竞赛。他认为中国每年14.9%的军费增长还不够。王小东五十多岁,略显单薄,混合着一种学者气息、不恭的态度,和很强的鼓动性。
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